Now, we're bringing to an end our live page coverage of Welsh devolution at 25.

If you'd like to read our story about how Wales' current first minister told ministers during the Covid pandemic that he was deleting messages from a texting group, please read it here.

Vaughan Gething is actually in the news twice today as has said he very much regrets the "anxieties" after being heavily criticised for accepting £200,000 from a company owned by a man prosecuted for illegally dumping waste during his leadership campaign. You can read that new story here.

Thanks for getting involved. Have a lovely evening.

As this page is being brought to a close, it feels fitting to look to Wales' future and how children are educated.

From the earliest years of devolution there’s plenty of evidence of a different Welsh approach to education, but it’s more difficult to gauge whether those decisions have benefited children and young people.

In the early 2000s school league tables and formal testing of pupils was scrapped. A decade later a minister said Wales had taken its “eye off the ball” after poor international tests results.

Academies and free schools were rejected by Welsh ministers. But there were big reforms, including a new play-based way of educating the youngest children, called the foundation phase.

Arguably, there’s less room for manoeuvre in higher education but introducing a new student finance system was a significant moment.

Now we’re seeing the biggest change yet with the introduction of the new Curriculum for Wales and reformed GCSEs to go with it.

Over 25 years, devolution has made a big difference to the education landscape but the key debate is about whether it’s led to improvements.

One thing that affects most of us is house prices - and since devolution in 1999, average house prices in Wales have quadrupled.

Back at the turn of the millennium, a house on average would cost you £52,000. That’s now around £210,000.

Twenty five years ago, houses cost three times average annual earnings – but now the average price is six and a half times annual earnings in Wales.

Affordability ratios doubled from 1997 to 2005 and peaked in 2007.

At a local level:-

• Monmouthshire has seen the biggest rise in house prices since devolution and Wrexham the lowest.
• Neath Port Talbot is currently the most affordable in Wales – with people there expecting to pay 4.3 times their earnings. It is also the ninth most affordable across England and Wales.
• Vale of Glamorgan is the least affordable in Wales – with houses costing nearly 9.7 times annual earnings.

At a very local level:

1. Cowbridge in the Vale of Glamorgan had the highest average price paid for a house last year - £529,995.
2. The lowest average price paid for a house was around Tylorstown in Rhondda Cynon Taf at £85,000.

"I feel suppressed by Cardiff Bay because of what they have to do, because they've got a lack of money," Steve Holloway told me as I tried to gauge the temperature of how people in Wales feel about devolution 25 years on.

Brynamman rugby club darts team captain does feel connected to decisions made for him by Senedd ministers, but the 47-year-old feels "like we get the last of the share" because Steve lives 50 miles from Cardiff on the Carmarthenshire and Neath Port Talbot border.

His teammate Zara Eady is more upbeat and feels "Wales is a better place than when I was a child".

The 35-year-old mum said it was right that Wales could "do our own thing in our country".

Another teammate had "mixed feelings" about Welsh devolution.

"I think there's duplication of work which Westminster is doing and it's a cost that we probably don't need," said Andrew Roberts, 60.

While Andrew's wife Carol felt politicians in Cardiff Bay "know what we're all about - they understand Welsh people".

Image source, Getty Images

While we're today marking 25 years since Wales returned its first politicians to its own assembly, it was by no means the first shot they had at going it alone.

There was an overwhelming No vote in the 1979 devolution referendum which was as much a judgement on an unpopular Labour government at the time as it was on the proposals themselves.

Holding a referendum at the tail end of a government is a recipe for failure, but with Jim Callaghan’s government dependent on Plaid Cymru and Scottish National Party votes to survive, the then prime minister felt he had little choice but to press ahead and put the plans to the voters.

Even so, the rejection of the plans was so overwhelming that few expected the idea of a devolved assembly to be revived, at least in the short to medium term.

In fact it took almost 20 years for the pro-devolution forces to re-group and overturn the referendum result.

As with many other Welsh political developments, the catalyst was the 1984-85 miners’ strike.

It was at a meeting in Merthyr Tydfil convened by the National Union of Mineworkers and other supportive unions that a new campaign for an assembly was launched and over the following years it worked hard to win over sceptical politicians – particularly in Labour ranks.

As a result Labour was united over devolution in 1997 in a way it hadn’t been in 1979. With the referendum held in Tony Blair’s New Labour honeymoon period, solid Yes votes in Labour’s industrial heartlands were sufficient to carry the plans over the line.

The story of devolution isn't over for Wales and that is from someone who has been charting its course since way before the 1997 referendum.

The referendum result was extremely narrow in favour of Wales having its own assembly - but by the first assembly elections in 1999, Professor Richard Wyn Jones said the opposition to devolution "had decreased significantly before the place opened".

"As the powers that the devolved assembly had developed, people still wanted more powers for Wales and that has been a constant pattern over the last quarter of a century," Prof Jones of Cardiff University's Welsh Governance Centre told BBC Radio Cymru.

"There’s a desire for even more powers - a very interesting dynamic over the quarter of a century."

Image source, Getty Images

The story of self-rule in Wales goes back as far as the early 15th Century when Owain Glyndwr is said to have held a parliament at Machynlleth during his rebellion against the rule of Henry IV.

The people of Wales said no to devolution in 1979 but said yes in '97 - and some powers were officially handed over in final year of the 20th Century. Here's a brief timeline:

• 1 May 1997: Tony Blair's Labour government sweeps to power in a landslide general election victory with a manifesto promise to devolve power to Wales and Scotland subject to public approval in referendums
• 18 September 1997: People in Wales narrowly vote yes for an assembly in a referendum
• 6 May 1999: The first assembly election, to choose 40 constituency assembly members and 20 regional list members, is held. The winners are announced the following day
• 26 May 1999: The Queen and the Prince of Wales officially open the new assembly
• 3 March 2011: The Welsh Assembly gets more authority as gets direct law-making powers in areas like health and education after winning a referendum
• 31 January 2017: Tax-raising powers including a slice of your income tax and extra powers over transport, energy and electoral arrangements receives Royal Assent in The Wales Bill

For a more detailed chronology, check this link out.

Image source, Getty Images

Just as a quick reminder, it may be 25 years today since Wales returned its first politicians so Wales could start to govern itself - but for that to happen the people of Wales had to say they wanted it.

They did. Only just though. By the narrowest of margins - so tight that the BBC almost called it wrong.

There were only 6,721 votes in it but the yes campaign won the 1997 referendum despite some of Wales' biggest centres like Cardiff, Newport and Wrexham voting no.

While 50.3% of those that voted saying they wanted devolution, just 559,419 of Wales' registered voters actually voted yes - that's because the referendum turnout was only just over half of the electorate.

So from a total of more than 2.2m of those eligible to poll in 1997, less than 30% of those registered to vote said yes.

But it was enough to secure Welsh devolution and do what Wales had overwhelmingly rejected 18 years earlier by a four-to-one majority in the 1979 referendum.

And when devolution was put back on the political table by Tony Blair's new Labour after their 1997 general election manifesto promise, Wales took its second chance. Just.

The first 18 months of the assembly were tumultuous with the opposition parties able to inflict defeats on Alun Michael’s minority government on numerous occasions.

It was only after Michael was replaced by Rhodri Morgan and a coalition with the Liberal Democrats was formed that the assembly achieved a degree of stability.

Nevertheless, from the start, the was a consensus that there were basic design flaws in the settlement which would need to be addressed.

However, it was surprising how quickly the Welsh people came to accept devolution especially considering the bad publicity surrounding the Welsh Secretary Ron Davies and the choice of Michael as Welsh Labour’s first leader.

Anti-devolution sentiment waned very quickly after the referendum with even the Conservatives regarding the new assembly as a permanent fixture in Welsh life.

Today my Radio Wales Phone-in was dedicated to what Welsh devolution has done for you and we heard from lots of callers.

I also had this fascinating text from Erika in Colwyn Bay.

"As someone who moved to Wales 40 years ago from Norway, and listening to your show today, I continue to find it very strange that during sporting events everyone seems to be the proudest Welsh person going" Erika's message read.

"But with regards to own rule, there is a large majority of people who are completely against the idea of having their own countrymen / women deciding on how their own country should be run, however small that decisions may be.

"As someone who moved to this country, I've always found this very strange and baffling.

"Since devolution, I've personally seen a dramatic positive change in Wales. A nation previously forgotten and left behind.

"Countless positive changes have been made as a result of the Senedd, from free prescription, free parking in hospital, plastic bags, organ donation consent and countless apprentice schemes to name a few.

"I hope the good work in the Senedd continues, and as a result, I can only see a positive future for Wales."

We asked for your views on Welsh devolution today on 25 years since Wales elected its own politicians and Jeffrey Lewis has been in touch.

“I have always voted for Senedd elections, in fact I was one of those who thought that devolution would be good for Wales, and I voted yes for it," says 66-year-old Jeffrey from Swansea.

“It is my biggest mistake in my life when it comes to using my vote. It has been the biggest disaster ever to hit Wales.

“Twenty-five years now we have had this Labour government here in Wales who take no blame for all their many mistakes, it's always Westminster's fault.

“Now they want to increase the (size of the) Senedd... and change the voting system, yet they refused to give us a vote on this.

“So there are about three million living in Wales, yet only 60 people will get a vote on this, and that's Senedd members. Sorry, without giving us a vote I will no longer vote for Senedd elections.

“Labour and their pals Plaid [Cymru] have destroyed devolution and so too are the people who voted to keep on voting in Labour.”

Most big decisions affecting the Welsh economy are still made at a UK level, for example interest rates, welfare benefits and immigration rules.

But other things that determine how the economy performs are decided at a Wales level like education and training, business support, some energy responsibilities, and most planning decisions.

Let’s take a look at the Welsh economy in numbers…..

• The median average full time salary in Wales , externalis an estimated £32,371 compared to a UK average of £34,963, external.
• The average house price , externalin Wales in February 2024 was £210,717, the UK average was £280,660
• Average private rents in March 2024 , externalwere £727 a month in Wales, £947 in Scotland and £1,285 in England.
• Welsh GVA, which measures the value that producers add to the goods and services they provide after their costs are taken away, was an estimated £74.5bn in 2022, external, the third lowest of all the UK’s nations and regions.

Things like wages, long term sickness and the efficiency with which we work have lagged behind many other parts of the UK and that hasn’t changed much in the 25 years since devolution.

I know what you're thinking - what is the Welsh government's budget and what do they spend it on?

Well, there’s been a growing proportion of their budget spent on health and social services.

Back in 1999-2000, it accounted for just over a third. Now it’s well over half of a budget, which now totals more than £20 billion, with more than £11.2bn being spent on health.

Analysis by the Wales Audit Office a few years ago suggested spending per head had been relatively low given Wales’ level of need.

But spending rose again after a period of austerity from 2010.

Around 80% of the Welsh government’s spending power comes from funding from Westminster, external while part is from money raised from devolved taxes. The Welsh Government can also access limited amounts of borrowing.

The commitment this year has been to protect health and councils as much as possible.

Image source, Getty Images

Although voter turnout has historically been low at Welsh Parliament or Senedd elections - most people in Wales probably have a view on Welsh devolution.

Some people think it should go further and Wales should have more powers, like former Prime Minister Gordon Brown.

Former Welsh First Minister Mark Drakeford wants Wales to have its own justice system, a bit like Scotland does.

Welsh independence marches across the country in recent years show that some in Wales want devolution to go further and powers in Wales be totally controlled by ministers in Cardiff, with no input from the UK government in Westminster.

But Prime Minister Rishi Sunak believes no more powers should be devolved to Wales, while some think Wales shouldn't have its own parliament at all.

As you might have gathered, its 25 years today since Wales elected politicians to their first assembly - now called the Welsh Parliament or the Senedd.

So, here's me with a whistle-stop tour of the biggest headline-grabbing policies made in the Senedd or Welsh Assembly since devolution in 1999.

If you want to see them written down, please treat yourself to my piece here.

Image source, PA Media

Ron Davies called it his "moment of madness" and admitted a "serious lapse of judgement" following an incident near Clapham Common when he met a stranger and was later robbed at knifepoint after agreeing to go for a meal.

The people of Wales had narrowly voted 'Yes' to devolution in 1997 and Davies was set to become the new Welsh Assembly's first first secretary until this scandal in October 1998.

Davies had only beaten Rhodri Morgan to become Labour's candidate for first secretary of the assembly the month before Davies became the first member of Tony Blair's Cabinet to resign.

Davies had been called the architect of Welsh devolution after helping steer The Government of Wales Act through parliament and get it royal assent, with the new assembly to be established after an election in May 1999.

Davies, who had been Caerphilly's MP since 1983, did serve four years in the new assembly before standing down at the 2003 election.

So staying in 1999 for a bit, just to recap that first Welsh Assembly election - Labour won the most seats.

And you probably know Labour have had the most assembly or Senedd seats in all the Welsh elections since devolution.

In fact, now the Welsh Labour government is the longest standing administration in the UK.

But in '99, especially just two years after Tony Blair's New Labour landslide general election triumph, Labour was expected to do much better and gain overall assembly control.

However, it got a bloody nose from Plaid Cymru shocking political commentators by winning seats in Labour strongholds like Islwyn, Rhondda and Llanelli.

It all started going wrong for Labour with the Ron Davies scandal and the man who was going to be Wales' first first minister - or secretary as it was back then - quitting after a "moment of madness" on Clapham Common.

Image source, PA Media

Many felt Blair then imposed Alun Michael to lead Welsh Labour when the grassroots wanted Rhodri Morgan, who later did become leader.

"You cannot spend over a year wrangling inside the party fighting a bitter leadership and expect to just sail in," Peter - now Lord - Hain said at the time. "There are serious lessons for Labour here."

Plaid capitalised and mobilised its vote, crashing Labour's 1999 party - and Labour has usually had to rely on votes of members from other parties to govern ever since 1999 - with the exception of a short period in the early 2000s.

Ok everyone, a little fork in the road here - let's get back in our time machine and dart back to around this time in 1999.

After a long day and almost eight hours of counting in the first Welsh Assembly elections, one of the last politicians to be returned was the man who was going to be Wales' first first minister - or secretary as it was back then.

And the ironic juxtaposition was the first politician elected to new Welsh Assembly was the man was supposed to Wales' first first minister before a scandal that hit the national headlines.

While former Welsh Secretary Ron Davies - hailed as the architect of Welsh devolution - could have been in Cardiff Bay by lunchtime to be sworn in, his successor Alun Michael may have eating his tea when he was eventually elected on the Mid and West Wales list.

Michael was one of three leaders in the first Welsh Assembly to be elected via the proportional representation method of voting, used in Wales for the first time in the 1999 Assembly election.

Welsh Tory leader Alun Michael and Welsh Liberal Democrats leader were also voted in via list - in the north and south Wales east.

But the last word went to Plaid Cymru in 1999 after they shocked even themselves let alone political commentators when they captured Conwy after a recount.

The nationalists went from fourth place and 7% of the vote in the 1997 Westminster election - taking Conwy with the smallest majority, just 114 votes.

In many communities, the most visible change to education over the past 25 years is in the fabric of school buildings.

Some have deteriorated and are in need of upgrading, but the Welsh government says its school building programme has delivered significant benefits to tens of thousands of pupils and staff.

There are far fewer schools now than there were a quarter of a century ago – from more than 2,000 in 1999/2000, down to 1,463 according to the most recent figures.

Some smaller schools have closed but there’s also been a trend towards super-schools for three-to-16 or three-to-18-year-olds.

Another trend has been fewer school sixth forms and in some local authorities, post-16 education is delivered almost exclusively in colleges.

Pupil numbers have gone down too since 1999 and that decline is projected to get steeper.

The number of pupils has dropped by around 6% since 1999, but that is projected to fall by 15% by 2039. That would be a 20% fall since the start of devolution.

Already some headteachers are concerned about what that could mean for budgets and in some cases the future of their school.

It’s not just attainment or standards but Wales’ report card has not been good if you look at some key markers.

Pisa international test results have dominated the discussion about standards and Wales has lagged behind other parts of the UK, falling further back in the most recent round.

The inspectorate Estyn’s findings have changed very little over the years, pointing to too much variation in standards.

The Welsh government says there were signs of improvement before the Covid-19 pandemic.

It’s clear that dealing with complex problems made worse by the pandemic, as well as squeezed budgets, doesn’t make it easier for schools to focus on standards.

Is the new Curriculum for Wales part of the answer? Ministers think so, but others worry it could make things worse if it’s not implemented properly.